FAQ
1. What has changed in the overall party line-up and why?
Major players have been transformed, with one large new political party; intermediate size parties have also split into factions, as a result of ongoing processes and specific events. While it's not the first time that a governing Israeli party has split, this is the most far-reaching. For more, please see our eAcademy course.
A. One of these processes is connected to various party mergers and new factions during the building and break up of the three governing coalitions of the 16th Knesset, the second of which occurred in 2004-2005 and was mainly related to the Disengagement Plan, and the internal split in the Likud Party over this. There were a number of parallel processes in smaller parties as they left the narrow second coalition, such as the NRP's new faction; parties that supported the Plan from the opposition were also politically weakened by this support – Shinui, Meretz.
B. Another process is connected to the domino effect of the Labor Party's internal elections: first on the government's ability to survive, second on the split in the Likud and the subsequent formation of the Kadima Party – with the resulting the new leadership of the Likud; third on the composition of the Labor Party itself.
This new main stage thus offered a traditional political left, center and right undoubtedly had a knock-on effect on the broader political spectrum and its niches. Center and left opposition parties were undoubtedly affected by the establishment of Kadima, and the socialist Labor line, as well as by disaffection. Shinui's members voted in a new leadership, generation a further split. There was a chance that some parties would disappear.
C. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's stroke and his disappearance from the political scene at the beginning of the election campaign shortly after he formed the Kadima party, which runs the caretaker government, gave rise to many unknowns in the political arena,
D. The right wing also redefined itself with the harder line Likud and dynamics of the settlement lobby: there was a redivision of the Ichud Leumi/Yisrael Beiteinu joint list into separate parties and the agreement between the Mafdal (NRP) to run with Ichud Leumi.
2. Are there been any constitutional laws that affect this line-up?
A. Vote threshold. During the 16th Knesset, the threshold vote for party entry to the Knesset was again raised – this time from 1.5% to 2%. [There are actually one-person factions in the 16th Knesset, following party splits.] The minimum number of seats a party needs to win goes up from 2 to 3 seats, which means that small parties and factions have little or no chance of survival and need to unite, or at least agree on exchange of excess votes. A small party that has lost a lot of popularity with the electorate could disappear altogether in the 2006 Israeli Election. Agreements were made and presented between: Ichud Leumi & Mafdal; some of the Arab parties - Ra'am-Ta'al-Mad'a.
B. Eligibility. Various MKs wanted to be re-elected in new parties across the political divide (government/opposition) [under Knesset regulations, an MK who resigns cannot join any other list of an already existing party]; other figures hold leading positions without a seat in the Knesset.
- Yossi Beilin is not an MK and heads Meretz-Yachad: he lost his seat on the Labor list in 2003 and joined Meretz where he was elected party leader;
- Shaul Mofaz is Minister of Defense, but not an MK, because of the compulsory cooling off period between military service and eligibility for election to public office;
- Shimon Peres resigned his Knesset seat at the end of the government with the intention of redirecting his public work, but decided to join the Kadima list;
- Avigdor Lieberman resigned his Knesset seat on principle when he became Minister (the original center-right coalition).
- Sopha Landver (Labor) resigned in order to run on the Yisrael Beiteinu list.
- Michael Nudelman (Ichud Leumi) resigned his to run with Kadima but was declared ineligible by the Knesset Committee, essentially because he had voted against his opposition party whip on major issues.
C. MKs were appointed from party lists to replace those who had resigned, or passed away during the Knesset term and caretaker government term.
D. The large parties are required to have an internal election system (among members of the central committee or the full membership) for candidates to the Knesset - and the internal voter turn-out was 95% in most of them, incl. the NRP (Mafdal). The smaller ones have more leeway to arrange their list of candidates.
E. Large parties also have to have regional representatives on their lists after the top few; most of the parties have places reserved for women, minorities, olim – candidates whose returns landed them below the top few, or in one of the reserved places found themselves virtually out of the race. Some changed parties, some retired.
3. I'm confused.Which parties are finally running and who leads them?
The party lists came in to the Knesset Elections Committee 50 days before the elections, with their list of candidates and platforms. There are 31 parties, which have still to be finally approved, but we are offering you a provisional list with the most significant ones! The Knesset listing also provides the names of party leaders.
Essentially, the current Knesset line-up gives a general idea with the modifications mentioned; then there are various parties (some old, some new) which are unlikely to make 2% of the vote.
Kadima changed the picture of the main parties and impacted on Shinui; Meretz is in a precarious situation; various Arab lists will be running together; the National Democratic Alliance has resigned; the new Secular Zionism faction became a new Party; the two NRP factions aligned alongside Ichud Leumi.
4. Is there any difference between the positions of Likud, Labor and Kadima parties on the issue of a Palestinian state and poverty in Israelael?
A. The Likud and Likud government under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon accepted the idea of a Palestinian state. It also prepared for "painful concessions" and the main outcome was the unilateral Disengagement Plan, which is not a basis that Likud or Labor wish to see happen again.
- Under Benjamin Netanyahu, the emphasis is on not ceding territory in certain places that have a strategic and national value – like the Jordan valley; In Kadima, the focus is on the demographics of a Jewish state and finalizing Israel's borders: retaining major blocs of Jewish settlement and Jerusalem, as part of a negotiated process;
- The Labor party says that the Kadima position resembles their own, but there is probably a difference of emphasis on Jerusalem, and more inclination to return to almost the pre-1967 borders (Green Line).
The stability of the Palestinian Authority has grabbed the headlines since the heavy mortar attacks on Israel from Gaza and the Hamas landslide victory in their January elections. This is addressed with a difference of emphasis by the main parties.
For more, please see our eAcademy course.
B. The issue of addressing increasing poverty and closing the economic gap was first raised by the Labor Party and forms a major part of its platform and its raison d'etre as an opposition party, together with its social welfare concerns.
All the parties are now on the bandwagon, with Kadima making declarations about investment and long term measures, the Likud on taxation, eradicating poverty, and so on. It is not, however, an issue that wins elections in times of crisis. In any case, the parties all know that a future government will have limited resources and the priorities of its coalition partners.
5. What are the major issues this time, in both platforms and party political propaganda?
A. Law and order in the Palestinian Authority and Israel's security – especially since the heavy mortar attacks on Israel from Gaza and the Hamas landslide election victory in the PA. This tends to swing public opinion to the right, or to parties with experienced political figures having a security background, and it reinforces the far right.
B. Corruption in government; money and political power. This is another serious issue. However, it appears to be used to alienate some the public from other political parties with figures who have a questionable ethical record (Kadima, Likud, Shas). At the time of writing, it looks like the start of a major reciprocal and personal smear campaign between the parties, with minimal impact on the average Israeli voter.
C. The Peace Process, Territorial concession. This is a major part of party platforms on the left and in center, less so on the ultra-orthodox party platforms, but it is secondary to Israel's security on the right wing. The political left places greater emphasis on the issue of removing settlements, returning to the pre-67 borders.
D. Civil rights, Equality, Constitution. A major part of the platforms of the small center, liberal, and left-wing parties, as well as the parties representing Russian olim on the political right. Some of the parties address religious and gender-related issues in terms of equality.
E. Social policy, Education, Health. The left-wing and the sectoral parties (ultra-Orthodox, Arab sector) have commonalities on issues of social opportunity, poverty/economic gap, investment, employment, education, etc.
For more, please see our eAcademy course.
Go to: List of Parties and links; Party Platforms
6. We're doing a simulation of Israeli elections and need some help. Most Israeli political party websites are either in Hebrew or not yet updated!!
I have some outline voting simulations for you to try out from previous elections, with the above-mentioned updates and links on the parties, so that you can still use them.
* What about also:
- Snapshots for TV: taking select moments of the election process and having different groups presenting them as camera-ready improvizations?
7. I need voter ballot papers and stickers for Israeli political parties for the simulation game.
A. The Knesset website provides a page with ballot papers from the last elections as gifs; some need to have a line or two whited out. Kadima and the new parties are not up yet – nor are their voting letters final; this will be a while, so use some literary licence! You also don't need every party for a simulation game. I am also going with a list of the letters and where to find most of them, by party, below.
B. The stickers will be scanned onto the website when they become available. The party logos on their websites can be printed out for stickers in the meantime, with your own ideas for slogans.
8. I'd like to do a run-up activity about the Israeli election or the parties, maybe I won't even do a simulation of election day. Ideas?!
We ran a survey activity for the 2003 elections and have updated it, also with the parties' line up/information and platforms (see Links in A5).
* What about a range of activites for different age groups:
- A trigger with a game of musical chairs/governments;
- Hebrew names in a hat. A trigger game picking them out of or putting them into the hat while learning the Hebrew party names, their letters, the translation, the ballot box letters, and something about them.
- Next, put all the party names back into the hat. Each participant pulls out a party name, reads it out and gives an impromptu speech on behalf of the party. [Can also be played with: names of leading political personalities; historical figures…]
- Improvizations by different groups of scenes from different stages of the election process, based on resource materials and their own ideas;
- Creating rap and "sticker" songs for each political party about what they want to do;
- Making your stickers, using party logos and your own slogans!
- Using these quotes to create coffee-table role plays about: Hamas and other issues on the Israeli election agenda. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/middle_east/jan-june06/israel_2-02.html
- Conclude this with your own vote, using the ballot papers.
9. Does the Hamas landslide victory in the Palestinian elections affect Israeli voting?
It is viewed by all the major parties as as serious threat to Israel's security. Much depends on what the US and the EU do (rather than say): will they support a Hamas-led government indirectly through financial donations, or will they bring Hamas to the point where it recognizes Israel? Even if Hamas remain quiet until the Elections, the Islamic Jihad and Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade have threatened terror. This will reinforce the right-wing parties and give them some ballot box leverage, but the extent remains unknown.
See lecture: http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=2439
See coffee shop bytes on http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/middle_east/jan-june06/israel_2-02.html
10. Do you have materials about how Russian olim and Arab Israelis will vote?
We have a few articles that are reproduced with permission.
Articles
11. What do the opinion polls predict and what is their importance?
A. There were an early batch of polls - whose main impact was probably on how the parties decided to campaign. They predicted that Kadima would be the main party by a large margin, but that seems to be narrowing. They also gave pessimistic predictions for Labor, Shinui, Meretz, the NRP (Mafdal) and gains for some of the right wing parties.
There appears to be a large degree of inconsistency in the figures, which may indicate low interest in the general population and possible masking of real voting intentions in some of the sectoral areas. So parties need to get out there with their campaigns…
B. As the party lists finalize and campaigns get underway, there will be a new batch of polls, probably towards each weekend. Polls limited accuracy in marginal contests; over the past 20 years or so they have tended to be weaker where there are more variables. They may miss the non-voters or falsely declared voting patterns.
12. Does the violence at Amona figure in with the Election?
A. It certainly creates anguish in an election period, both for the right and the left: it highlights issues of settlements and law & order, while reinforcing opinions on both political wings. It's bad for public mores in a democracy when this is part of the run-up to the election and it again raises the issue of respecting the Law of the Land and how this is perceived: youth, leadership figures, and Police appear to be at fault – the last in its planning and response. Violent intentions escalate, unless the cycle is broken and addressed.
So it's not directly related, except to the political parties who wish to exploit it as part of their election campaign (on either side of the spectrum). The decision to appoint a Parliamentary Committee to investigate the events has been termed electioneering.
B. The youth in question are at the tip of the pyramid or peak of the parallel iceberg structure discussed in our Disengagement feature, and demonstrated around the country in 2005 – but most of whom were prevented from reaching Gush Katif or northern Samaria during the actual period of Disengagement.
C. The Police were already burned out from Disengagement, and on edge about potential violence: the criticism is that they were not at Amona in the same kind of numbers, or with the same kind of instructions and mindset.